“Europe’s Alliances:
Strategies In Troubled Times”


Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is my great pleasure to be here before you at the 11th WDR Europa Forum. Let me first thank our organizers for an impressive program and dazzling roster of participants.

The overarching theme of this Forum; “Europe’s New Start – Where is the EU Heading” is very apt. My humble contribution to this important debate here will address the topic of “Europe’s Alliances – Strategies in Troubled Times”.

There is no question that Europe is a part of the world where history runs deep. Moreover, the dynamics unleashed by European history have certainly impacted our world in many different ways over the last 4-5 centuries.

But, Europe is also a part of the world where nations have been able to transcend the grievances of an embittered past to successfully turn the tide of a history fraught with rivalry and wars, to create a stable and prosperous union based on shared values.

This is not to pay lip service to the EU of today, but rather to drive home the point that, when Europe conjures up the strategic vision and political will to go the extra mile, it has, in the past, displayed a remarkable ability to alter the course of history.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As the East-West divide withered, the European Union started to develop a complicated array of relations, processes and arrangements with the many nations it was in contact with. Intricate terms, concepts, strategies, agendas, agreements and frameworks were spawned by the need to define and regulate the EU’s relations with the many differing players on its periphery. Many ideas were developed, some better than others.

But in all those ideas, one stood out as the best; a process that had already proven its potential to transform Europe into something more than the sum of its parts. That idea was, of course, enlargement. The notion that integration was a regenerative process and that as long as they kept on working together towards common goals, nations would ultimately create more and more collaborative schemes deepening their cooperation was, as a concept, not only simple but also very brilliant and powerful.

And the success of enlargement is there for us all to see. I really need not elaborate on this point. A good look at our host country tells the story. Slovenia is a shining example for the future. In a decade or maybe even less, Slovenia has not only matched but surpassed European standards in every department and, by becoming an agent of positive change, assumed a leadership role in a wider region.

Clearly, on its own, enlargement is not a universal remedy. As a strategy, enlargement also has its imperfections.

I am sure the skeptics of further enlargement - and there are some - believe that almost 20 years after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, new dividing lines are needed.

I wholeheartedly disagree. I believe that the European Union can and indeed must enlarge a fair degree more to unite the political landscape, that is Europe, where a whole series of nations all subscribe to the same ideals and values and share similar goals and interests.

While the benefits of enlargement both for Europe and the acceding nations are many, we must also be able to streamline and refine the process as we move forward.

Many will argue that further enlargement will weaken the EU. I do not think that the notion of “Europe expanding” is in any way a threat to the concept of a “Europe of power”. On the contrary, I think it will be the key to making the EU a truly global player. And when talking about future enlargement and the consolidation of the European project, we must talk about one of the most troubled regions in our near history, the Balkans.

Distinguished Guests,

The Balkans as a whole has always been strategically important for Turkey and Europe at large. On the other hand, the peoples of the Balkans have seen their fair share of conflict and strife over the past two decades. While a lot has been done to rebuild this fractured geography and bring stability and prosperity to this part of Europe, the truth, as we all know, is that we are not out of the woods yet.

Currently, the situation in the Balkans is fragile. We have all worked hard together as regional and international actors to foster peace and reconciliation in the Balkans and invested heavily in trying to ensure a relatively smooth transition to liberal democracies and free market economies. But the truth is that there may still be some more storms to weather.

It was clear to us from the outset that the status quo with regard to Kosovo before the recent declaration of independence was in fact a festering wound that had the potential to cause instability in the region.

The independence of Kosovo was a culmination of a long and unique process. Now, in order to further consolidate stability in the region, Europe needs to give the meaningful support to Kosovo to help it become a responsible member of the European family, embrace the universal values that bind us all and take the necessary steps to guarantee the well-being of all the communities within its borders.

Currently, we are closely following the developments in Bosnia Herzegovina. The long awaited police reform has finally come into force. This paves the way for the “Stabilization and Association Agreement” to be signed with the EU soon.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Within the context of the Balkans, Serbia is crucial for the consolidation of stability. Serbia should not isolate itself from Europe. This should not lead to Serbia becoming the missing link in the efforts to bring all Balkan nations into the fold that is the Euro-Atlantic community.

We believe that the international community needs to be more forthcoming in encouraging Serbia to continue progress in joining NATO and the EU. In this context, we welcomed the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement between the EU and Serbia. We look forward to the upcoming general elections in Serbia and hope that the Serbian people will choose to look forward since the election results will be crucial for the future direction of this country.

Lastly with regard to the Balkans, we are concerned about the recent developments related to Macedonia’s membership to NATO. Leaving Macedonia out of this round of NATO enlargement will certainly not serve to enhance security and stability in the Balkans. We look forward to welcoming Macedonia in the North Atlantic Alliance as soon as possible.

The Balkans as a whole will continue to be a litmus test of whether Europe can indeed take responsibility for itself and whether it can expand the zone of stability, security and prosperity to its immediate vicinity. Failure to anchor this relatively small region firmly into European and Euro-Atlantic structures will mean that, we all may have to revisit the problems of old over and over again.

The leaders of the region both on a national and local level need to understand that the solution to their problems lies not in bickering and infighting but in working towards framing the hard compromises that they can all live with and which will ultimately pave their way towards integration with Europe. In order for this to happen, the EU needs to penetrate Balkan societies in a more lasting, effective and significant way, so as to be able to work at all levels, including the grassroots, to make clear the benefits of moving forward with reforms.

Turkey has been working both at the ground level and at the national level to encourage reconciliation and peaceful co-existence. We have been contributing significantly in the field of peacekeeping and also in fostering political dialogue. Sometimes progress is painstakingly slow, but determination as well as effective cooperation will ensure success.

Europe needs to politically embrace the Balkan nations and make it clear to them, without question or reservation that their future lies in the EU, as long as they aspire fully to assuming the many responsibilities that membership entails.

Political posturing and constant second guessing invariably creates question marks both in public opinion and also in political circles and makes it difficult for the newly emerging pro-European forces in these nations to move forward with a reformist agenda. I say this with some experience as we face similar problems at home.

So, the strategy for the Balkans needs to be one of no-holds-barred, full-on engagement; a multidimensional strategy that operates on many levels and in different domains; and one that is guided by a clear, unequivocal and strongly-stated political vision to unite the Balkans in the EU. This is no easy undertaking but reversing centuries of undercurrents and creating new and positive synergies rarely are.

Distinguished Guests,

There are many areas surrounding Europe for which the EU needs to be able to develop long term strategies: North Africa, the Black Sea Basin, the Mediterranean, the Caucasus and the Middle East come to mind as definite priorities. Just as it is the case for other burgeoning centers of gravity in the international arena, in order for the EU to become an international player that is able to outwardly project its weight fully, it must build on its successes in Europe, and its environs, and then gradually expand its area of influence.

This is why Europe becoming a regional heavyweight, with regards to issues pertaining to the Middle East and the Caucasus, will particularly be crucial in the medium to long term. Success in this regard will not only depend on bringing stability and prosperity to the Balkans but also on how much of a difference the EU can begin to make on very difficult issues like the question of Palestine, the future of Iraq, the Arab-Israeli conflict, Iran’s nuclear dossier, the frozen conflicts in the Southern Caucasus, in particular Nagorno-Karabagh.

Moreover, in tandem with the political challenges, ensuring economic stability and energy security as global players vie to bring the abundant natural resources in Central Asia to their own regions, will also be a major topic that we must address as the cost of inaction could likely be very high.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

These are the challenges. And they are all very complicated in their nature. The simple truth is that the EU cannot become a truly global voice, until it evolves into a political force to be reckoned with in its own neighborhood.

The fact is that in today’s world, the centers of gravity are fast changing. Asia is becoming more and more important in international affairs. Africa has huge potential. Latin America is growing out of its traditional woes. Globalization means the world is smaller and, in a way, flat.

It is in this period of transition, uncertainty and opportunity, that the EU has the perfect chance to seize the moment and assume a more assertive leadership role in this part of the world and beyond.

In Turkey, we do believe that like NATO, which has proven itself to be the most successful alliance in history and is still today the cornerstone of transatlantic security and defense, the EU has the potential to create a synergy, as it grows and expands, which will allow it to play a much more effective role in the quest for global peace and prosperity.

What I am talking about is an EU that rapidly completes its internal reforms and looks to the world around it, as I choose to call it, an “Extrovert Europe”. And, it is in this concept of a self-confident, outward looking Europe that Turkey’s accession to the EU finds its true meaning.

It is clear to us in Turkey and I believe a majority in Europe that Turkey will fulfill the obligations of membership sooner rather than later. Indeed, our track record speaks for itself. The reforms enacted in Turkey have been nothing short of revolutionary.

Moreover, cognizant of the fact that there is much more to be done, we are continuing on the path of reform. We have amended Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code and ended the debate about that matter. We have also adopted a new Law of Foundations. These were no minor feats.
While the Turkish public opinion is sometimes swayed by the negative comments systematically emanating from certain quarters in Europe, our voters and their representatives in Parliament know full well that the reform process serves their interests and as such the popularity of further reforms to bring standards in every field in Turkey, more in line with those in the European Union, has never waned.

But Turkey cannot be expected to keep swimming upstream indefinitely. The European Union needs to remember that a political promise was made at the highest level to Turkey on multiple occasions. The more the final outcome of the accession negotiations we are conducting is second guessed, the more difficult it is for us to pursue a pro-reform agenda.

The fact is that just like Europe needs to show unambiguous strategic vision towards the Balkans and the other areas of critical importance for this part of the world, it must also display strategic foresight when it comes to realizing Turkey’s full membership. Europe must rise above the anti-Turkey rhetoric. Leading nations in the EU need to drown out the marginal voices and speak with clarity about the importance of building a Europe of the future with Turkey in it.

As a country that is a net contributor when it comes to projecting peace and stability to the regions around it, Turkey has the ability to act as a force multiplier when it comes to dealing with the many challenges that I have outlined above. I will venture to say that Turkey’s membership to the EU is strategically critical to an outward looking Europe as Turkey has concrete contributions to make to the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU that no other nation can emulate.

Distinguished Guests,

I mentioned before that the process of enlargement is by no means perfect. Nowhere is this more valid than with regards to the issue of Cyprus.

The fact of the matter is that since 2004 when Turkish Cypriots voted for the UN settlement that was on the table – the so called Annan Plan – and the Greek Cypriots voted against it, the issue of Cyprus, for the large part, fell off Europe’s radar.

Now, following the elections in the south of the Island, there is some room for optimism. But we must not jump to conclusions and let our enthusiasm get the better of us.

In this vein, we look forward to the right circumstances presenting themselves for the UN Secretary General to take the initiative to rekindle the process to bring about a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus question. And, as in 2003 and 2004, in Turkey, we stand ready to actively contribute to the UN effort to devise a solution.

Distinguished Guests,

Many alliances have been formed throughout history. Some have been significant others have withered away unnoticed. Some have been purely military in their nature and others political. But in essence, most have been the result of a common threat. Adversity seems almost always to have played a part in the creation of alliances.

On the other hand, while certainly not a military alliance per se; Europe has displayed a remarkable agility in rising from ashes of two World Wars and creating lasting peace for itself even though the main adversity of the time was being dealt with through NATO.

As such, the European Union was a political alliance of nations not created out of fear but born out of choices deliberately made; strategic moves by some who decided to take the helm and shape a better future based on peace and cooperation, rather than adversity and confrontation.

Now, we have the chance to not only consolidate that peace, but to expand the geographies to which it applies by creating a Europe that is more assertive and self confident in the affairs of the World; a Europe that promotes and projects not only peace and stability but also the very values that are enshrined in the Treaties on European Union.

We can of course wait for a common enemy or an imminent threat to present itself. Or we can choose to act now, while international affairs are in a state of flux, to create a political alliance consisting of all of the nations in Europe including Turkey to work together to shape events before they take a turn for the worse. Such a union of nations would project soft, hard and smart power where necessary and help spread the ideals that we all have stood for since the end of the Second World War.

This is the kind of preventive, forward looking strategic thinking that has guided European integration in the second half of the 20th Century. Whether a similarly brave strategic outlook avoids missing the forest for the trees, will guide Europe through the 21st century, is the fundamental question.

We in Turkey cannot alone provide the answer. What we can promise is that if Europe decides to grow into the strategic role we will be there to play our part in making that new Extrovert Europe a reality.

Thank you.